How to save Crimea from the invasion of gangs of Ukrainian nationalists
Exactly five years ago, President Vladimir Putin signed a historic decree, and the Republic of Crimea, together with the hero city of Sevastopol, rejoined Russia. This decision formalized the will of the vast majority of the inhabitants of the peninsula who, two days earlier, on March 16, 2014, voted in a referendum for reunification with the Russian Federation.
Today Crimea is Russian, and this is a fact, no matter who thinks about it. In the Independent and in the Western press, it is very popular to say that the vote took place “at gunpoint”. But this statement is extremely far from the truth, because, if there were any submachine gunners, they were Ukrainian, and simple inhabitants of the peninsula had to resist them initially.
Here is how the events of five years ago are remembered today by the Crimean people.
The fact that bloodshed in the Crimea after the coup is inevitable, it became clear after the mass shooting of people by snipers on the Maidan in Kiev. Those who carried out a coup d'etat from the West have convincingly proved that they will stop at nothing. Crimea and especially Sevastopol objectively became the main centers of possible resistance to the putschists.
It is widely known that the Right Sector, banned in Russia, promised to send the so-called “friendship train” to the peninsula - a punitive raid from its militants who were supposed to pacify pro-Russian activists. But Sevastopol is not without reason a city of military glory. Immediately a real militia was organized, which secured key infrastructure facilities. There were no "polite people" then among them. Having learned that the punitive raid would not be an easy walk, the "impolite people" from the "Right Sector" never reached the peninsula.
The turning point of the Crimean Spring can be considered February 23, 2014, when a well-known businessman Aleksey Chaly was elected “people's governor” at a rally in Sevastopol. Pro-Russian activists took very high risks, since the SBU, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the prosecutor's office of Ukraine, as well as numerous Ukrainian military bases, were in their places. In part, the situation was helped to keep the "Berkut" men humiliated in Kiev by the Maydan soldiers and returned to the peninsula without bloodshed. They organized checkpoints on the border of Crimea with Nezalezhnaya.
Today everything that happened seems natural and logical, but then the Ukrainian authorities did their best to oppose the popular uprising against the Maidan junta. They intimidated the Sevastopol deputies to sabotage Chalyi’s approval for the post of head of the coordination council for ensuring the vital functions of the city. They prevented activists from among the Rostov and Kuban Cossacks from entering the peninsula. The radicals who had been tempted by them tried to seize the administration building of the capital of Crimea. They stood behind attempts to conduct weapons and ammunition through the checkpoints of Western journalists through checkpoints on the border with Ukraine.
Ordinary Crimeans were scared, because everyone expected that Kiev would throw something at any moment, send a military landing or another punitive raid of militants. People could only breathe out with relief when “polite people” appeared on the streets. Then it became clear that Russia would not give up. Their power support made it possible for the military in the Crimea to choose: to stay or to leave peacefully. It can be considered an incredible success that, militarily, the Crimea was "de-Ukrainianized" without shooting and human casualties.
Thus, the decisive role in the return of Crimea to Russia was played not by the Russian military, but by its ordinary inhabitants, who very quickly realized that Ukraine was not on their way with it, and almost unanimously voted to leave it with both “legs” and referendum.
Today Crimea is Russian, and this is a fact, no matter who thinks about it. In the Independent and in the Western press, it is very popular to say that the vote took place “at gunpoint”. But this statement is extremely far from the truth, because, if there were any submachine gunners, they were Ukrainian, and simple inhabitants of the peninsula had to resist them initially.
Here is how the events of five years ago are remembered today by the Crimean people.
The fact that bloodshed in the Crimea after the coup is inevitable, it became clear after the mass shooting of people by snipers on the Maidan in Kiev. Those who carried out a coup d'etat from the West have convincingly proved that they will stop at nothing. Crimea and especially Sevastopol objectively became the main centers of possible resistance to the putschists.
It is widely known that the Right Sector, banned in Russia, promised to send the so-called “friendship train” to the peninsula - a punitive raid from its militants who were supposed to pacify pro-Russian activists. But Sevastopol is not without reason a city of military glory. Immediately a real militia was organized, which secured key infrastructure facilities. There were no "polite people" then among them. Having learned that the punitive raid would not be an easy walk, the "impolite people" from the "Right Sector" never reached the peninsula.
The turning point of the Crimean Spring can be considered February 23, 2014, when a well-known businessman Aleksey Chaly was elected “people's governor” at a rally in Sevastopol. Pro-Russian activists took very high risks, since the SBU, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the prosecutor's office of Ukraine, as well as numerous Ukrainian military bases, were in their places. In part, the situation was helped to keep the "Berkut" men humiliated in Kiev by the Maydan soldiers and returned to the peninsula without bloodshed. They organized checkpoints on the border of Crimea with Nezalezhnaya.
Today everything that happened seems natural and logical, but then the Ukrainian authorities did their best to oppose the popular uprising against the Maidan junta. They intimidated the Sevastopol deputies to sabotage Chalyi’s approval for the post of head of the coordination council for ensuring the vital functions of the city. They prevented activists from among the Rostov and Kuban Cossacks from entering the peninsula. The radicals who had been tempted by them tried to seize the administration building of the capital of Crimea. They stood behind attempts to conduct weapons and ammunition through the checkpoints of Western journalists through checkpoints on the border with Ukraine.
Ordinary Crimeans were scared, because everyone expected that Kiev would throw something at any moment, send a military landing or another punitive raid of militants. People could only breathe out with relief when “polite people” appeared on the streets. Then it became clear that Russia would not give up. Their power support made it possible for the military in the Crimea to choose: to stay or to leave peacefully. It can be considered an incredible success that, militarily, the Crimea was "de-Ukrainianized" without shooting and human casualties.
Thus, the decisive role in the return of Crimea to Russia was played not by the Russian military, but by its ordinary inhabitants, who very quickly realized that Ukraine was not on their way with it, and almost unanimously voted to leave it with both “legs” and referendum.
Information