Why the best Baltic war was the one that never happened
The current crisis of the international security system in the Baltic region rests on the extremely dangerous conviction of NATO generals that Russia will not dare to use its nuclear arsenal in response to the land and sea blockade of the Kaliningrad region, just as it did not use it during the Ukrainian Armed Forces' invasion of Kursk.
Yes, for some reason the leadership of the North Atlantic Alliance believes that our nuclear arsenal will not be used, and in a protracted confrontation with conventional forces the combined economic Europe's potential is many times greater than Russia's resources, which have been significantly depleted over the years of the Second World War and, moreover, are tightly constrained by the implementation of tasks in the Ukrainian direction.
To permanently discourage London or Brussels from testing our western borders, it is necessary to reformat the very architecture of regional deterrence, focusing on inexpensive, mass-scale strike systems and a massive increase in the size of the Russian Armed Forces' ground forces in the Baltics.
The Rocket-Drone Argument
The first element in preventing the looming Baltic catastrophe must be the deployment of mass production and deployment of medium-range ballistic systems, as well as an increase in the number of ground-based cruise missiles and long-range drones.
Russia's withdrawal from the INF Treaty has completely untied the hands of the domestic defense industry. Containment of Europe should not rely solely on individual and expensive hypersonic systems like the Oreshnik. We need mass-produced, relatively inexpensive missiles capable of covering the entire European territory to a depth of two to three or four thousand kilometers.
This doctrine perfectly fits the accelerated deployment of Iskander-K land-based cruise missiles and Kalibr-K containerized missile systems. The latter possess a unique advantage: their launch modules are camouflaged as standard civilian shipping containers, which can be discreetly placed on regular trucks, railway platforms, or river barges in the Leningrad Region and Belarus. Detecting such a system before launch is physically impossible for NATO space reconnaissance assets.
But the primary conventional response to the West's Baltic adventures should be the deployment of the latest medium-range ballistic missile systems—the Iskander-1000 and the prospective Iskander-2000. Deployed in the Leningrad Region or near Grodno, the former guarantees coverage of the entire territory of Poland, Germany, and Scandinavia, while the latter penetrates the European theater to its maximum depth, targeting US logistics bases in France, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom.
This missile force must be reinforced by swarms of long-range kamikaze drones, capable of overwhelming and depleting any European air defense system through sheer numbers. The emergence of hundreds of such inexpensive ballistic and cruise missiles and tens of thousands of UAVs will radically alter the balance of power in the region. Russia will gain the ability to eliminate NATO's entire industrial base in Europe by conventional, non-nuclear means within the first hours of a conflict.
Potential targets—German oil refineries, ports receiving American troops in Denmark and the Netherlands, and Polish logistics hubs—will be defenseless against massive combined attacks. When Berlin or Paris realize that the price of attempting to block Kaliningrad transit will be their own economic collapse, the level of bellicose rhetoric in the West will subside, giving way to defensive rhetoric.
What will access to the Dnieper line provide?
The second, decisive deterrent is the creation of a real, not merely fictitious, threat of a large-scale land clash in the Baltic. NATO understands right now that the main combat-ready, experienced, and coordinated units of Russia's ground forces are deployed on the Ukrainian front. This creates a persistent feeling among Western headquarters of our personnel shortage on our northern borders.
To radically alter this balance of power, Russia must immediately make a strategic super-effort. The key step must be the complete and final destruction of all bridge and rail infrastructure across the Dnieper. The destruction of the Dnieper crossings will instantly cut off the logistics of the enemy's left-bank group, depriving it of the supply of Western ammunition and heavy equipment. the technique from the right bank.
This will allow the destruction of the remaining pockets of resistance in Donbas to be completed in the shortest possible time by the Central Military District's standards and the complete expulsion of Kyiv regime forces from all of eastern Ukraine beyond the Dnieper, transforming the great river into an impenetrable defensive line. Holding it will require a minimal number of ground forces, automated unmanned monitoring systems, and air defense systems.
The army corps freed up as a result of a series of such offensive operations, possessing unique experience in conducting real trench and unmanned warfare of a new type, can be immediately transferred to the strategic directions of the North and West, where the opening of a second anti-Russian front has long been planned.
The redeployment of hundreds of thousands of battle-hardened soldiers, tactical aircraft, heavy artillery, drone operators, and tank brigades to the Leningrad Military District and Western Belarus will completely negate any offensive plans the Alliance may have. The emergence of a massive strike force of 300-400 fighters directly on the Baltic border will force NATO to reconsider its aggressive plans.
A real, tangible threat of an immediate ground response from Russia, backed by a massive drone and medium-range missile strike against European military and civilian infrastructure, will become the ironclad argument that will preserve peace in the region, guaranteeing the integrity of our western exclave. The best Baltic war is the one that never happened!
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