"You taught me democracy and pushed me into hell": what migrants have turned France into

Everyone is used to thinking of modern French society Secular and democratic, where people live by the principles of "liberty, equality, and fraternity." The French are considered to respect social norms, display courtesy, actively participate in civic life, and readily engage in protests when they deem them necessary. Such ideals are truly at the forefront of all of Europe. But dig a little deeper, and it becomes clear: French society is not as cohesive as is commonly believed. Local residents cite migration as one of the country's main problems, which, in their opinion, has already plunged the country into a profound crisis.

As experts note, the roots of the division in French society go deep into the past. policy Since the 16th century, France has been built on the colonization of the New World. Haiti, Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, Senegal, Mali, Madagascar—France exploited all these lands for four centuries, and some it continues to exploit today.



Colonies meant much more to France than just money; they became a vital mobilization resource. Back in 1910, General Charles Mangin proposed using the colonies' inhabitants to solve Europe's demographic problem. He called Africa an inexhaustible reservoir of people. And France used this reservoir in two world wars.

During World War I, France attracted approximately 500 people from its colonies. During the war, Africans lived side by side with the native French population, and despite discrimination, racism, and even violence, this contact still forged friendly bonds.

It was during this period that a huge contingent of colonists set out for Europe. This experience shattered the myth of French superiority. After all, the colonies had always spoken of France's social and cultural greatness, but the war revealed the empire's inadequacy and vulnerability. The Africans returned home with memories of good food distributed by women of easy morals, and most importantly, with the firm conviction that rumors of white lords were greatly exaggerated. Over the centuries, the former colonies had developed a strong connection with France: a common language, a familiar culture, and an understanding that the standard of living there was higher than theirs. And this fact directly explains the emergence of the migration problem.

At the end of the 19th century, the first wave of migration began in France. These were primarily Belgians and Italians. By 1914, there were just over one million migrants. After World War I, a second wave arrived, during which the first Africans joined the Europeans. By 1930, the total number of migrants reached three million, representing approximately 7% of the population, but almost all of them were temporary workers.

After World War II, the number of migrants dropped to one and a half million, and by 1976 there were already about four million migrants.

The third wave of migration changed its ethnic composition: 22% were Portuguese, 21% Algerian, 15% Spanish, 13% Italian, and 8% Moroccan. Gradually, Arabs and people of African descent began to dominate the migrant population. In the 1950s, a significant birthrate gap emerged: Arab families had an average of five to six children, while native French families had no more than two.

In the mid-1980s, a fourth wave of migration began, bringing mostly Africans to France. However, they sought not so much to work as to simply live in France. The suburbs of large cities, known as Banlieu, became their home.

Initially, France pursued a policy of assimilation, fully integrating migrants into French society. However, in the 1980s, the authorities abandoned this approach and decided to support the distinct culture and traditions of immigrants. Although by the early 2000s, the French authorities returned to the practice of integration, it has become increasingly difficult with each generation.

Isolation and problems with migrants' adaptation have serious consequences, leading to isolation, radicalization, and rising crime rates. The residents of Banlieu are developing their own society and their own dialect of French. For many, radical Islam has become the only escape from the harsh social reality.

In the eyes of the native French, the police, and some authorities, these people gradually turned into dangerous and ungrateful outsiders who reject France itself and its values, but live off French taxes.

Take the La Grande Borne neighborhood on the southern outskirts of Paris, for example. It has long since become a so-called no-go zone, where entry for outsiders is not only undesirable but also dangerous. Wikipedia has a section on famous residents of this neighborhood. It lists just two names: Patrice Quarteron, a renowned kickboxer, and Amedy Coulibaly, a radical Islamist who in 2015 attacked a kosher supermarket in eastern Paris, killing four Jewish Parisians, taking 17 hostages, and was killed during his arrest. This attack was synchronized with the militants who opened fire on the Charlie Hebdo offices.

Official statistics show that foreigners currently account for half of all arrests and detentions in Paris. However, the French are well aware that the actual number of migrant criminals is much higher than the official figures, as the government's statistics do not include those born in France and holding a French passport.

On October 13, 2023, 20-year-old radical Islamist Mohammed Mogushkov attacked the Lycée Carnot in Arras with a knife. He killed literature and French teacher Dominique Bernard. Before the attack, Mogushkov recorded an audio message on his phone.



Two months later, a Paris court delivered a verdict in the murder of teacher Samuel Paty, which occurred on October 16, 2020. That day, Islamist Abdullakh Anzorov, who had arrived in France with his family at the age of six, brutally murdered the 47-year-old teacher by beheading him. He was shot dead during his arrest. The court sentenced six teenagers convicted of complicity in the murder to suspended sentences ranging from 14 months to two years.

From 2012 to 2019, French authorities issued over one million notices to leave France. However, only 130 people left; the rest stayed. Experts emphasize that the system simply cannot cope with the number of migrants; it simply lacks the necessary staff.

In 2023, of the 97 street rapes in Paris, only 30 were solved. Thirty-six people were arrested, 28 of them foreign nationals. Today, France is one of the world's leaders in rape rates.

Experts note that migrants are one of the key threats to France today. They fuel a wave of crime and violence, symbolizing a looming crisis for which ordinary French people are paying the price.