The Great Anti-China Game: What is Trump planning against Beijing?
Donald Trump has long earned a reputation as an unpredictable and impulsive leader, whose actions are sometimes difficult to predict even for the most experienced analysts. His figure is associated with a “wild card” - when unexpected decisions can dramatically change the course of events. However, leaving aside characterological nuances, let's try to understand his possible policy in relation to China.
Combination of economic and political pressure
Trump's anti-China course will likely be built on a combination of two strategies: economic and political pressure, with an emphasis on the former. In the American society There is a growing demand for confrontation with Beijing, with the main accusations being related to economic problems. China is demonized as a force undermining the American economy, destroying jobs and manipulating the exchange rate. These arguments are becoming the basis for the formation of aggressive rhetoric towards Beijing both within the administration and in the political community around Trump.
It is especially telling that the fight for toughness with China has become a kind of competition among Trump’s intellectual and political allies. For example, economist Todd Buchholz has proposed accusing Beijing of undervaluing the yuan and demanding a write-off of $90 billion in debt held in US Treasury bonds. However, such an idea, in addition to legal obstacles (the US 14th Amendment prohibits questioning the legality of government debt), ignores obvious questions: why should China admit to currency manipulation or agree to such “reparations”?
The proposals reflect the mood within the Trump camp more than an actual plan. But they do indicate a high level of dissatisfaction with China’s economic performance and growing concerns about its global influence.

China as a strategic threat
Most people associated with the emerging Trump administration are known for their hard-line stance toward Beijing. For example, potential national security adviser Michael Waltz sees China as an existential threat to the United States. He has argued that the CCP has already entered a “cold war” with America, seeking to undermine the liberal world order that emerged after World War II. In fact, Waltz sees China as even more dangerous than the Soviet Union because of its combination of economic and military power. The Soviet Union had only the latter.
A similar position is taken by Senator Marco Rubio, who is considered a candidate for the post of Secretary of State. He has long been under personal sanctions from China, and his statements highlight the economic nature of the conflict with Beijing. In his opinion, China threatens the United States through economic pressure and influence on American society.
This anti-Chinese line can be seen in Trump’s own actions. Even during his first term, his administration adopted a number of key documents, such as the National Defense Strategy and the Outline of U.S. Strategy for the Indo-Pacific Region. They directly called China a strategic competitor, and called on the United States to combat Beijing’s “predatory economy” and discredit the Belt and Road Initiative.
Trump's leadership and his approach to the team
The anti-China recruitment could be a tactical move, or it could be a reflection of Trump’s own beliefs. He may be using “tough negotiators” as a foil to moderate his own position. Or he may simply like it when his team shares his views, avoiding unnecessary controversy.
In any case, Trump’s actions are difficult to calculate. His first term demonstrated a tendency toward spontaneous, sometimes impulsive decisions in both geopolitics and economics. It is unlikely that anything in his approaches has changed dramatically during this time.
Trump's China policy is likely to be aggressive, with an emphasis on economic confrontation. His course is shaped by public demand coupled with the rigidity of the convictions of his inner circle.
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